Let us fully restore our aid to the Palestinians.What Europe is doing currently with the temporary international mechanism cannot be a lasting solution.We must resume direct assistance to the Palestinian National Unity Government as soon as it is inaugurated.We must also resume aid to cooperation projects in order to reestablish the conditions for real development.
Let"s set a timetable.It should include short-term elements，to help rebuild trust by giving the parties a chance to show their good faith：the release of Corporal Shalit；the resumption of Israel"s payment of tax revenues to the Palestinians；a halt to rocket fire.It must also set a medium-termdeadline：Together let us propose to the Palestinians and Israelis a fixed date for the creation of a Palestinian state.Aroundthis date，which should be rather close，a true political dynamic would be established.The international community could offer guarantees for Israel"s security with an international force in exchange for an Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank.
The second element is the need to better take into account the realities on the ground：We must help Mahmoud Abbas and give a chance to supporters of peace by facilitating changes within Hamas.That is why，for example，France supports the Mecca agreement on a Palestinian national unity government.I was among the first to recall the three principles of the Quartet after the Palestinian elections in 2006，and we will remain vigilant with respect to the composition and actions of that government.But the most important thing is to launch and nurture a process that leads Hamas to evolve and to accept these three principles.
The third element is the creation of a regional dynamic.That presumes the stabilization of the immediate environment of Israel and Palestine，that is，progress with Lebanon and Syria.A sovereign Lebanon with stable，controlled borders is a guarantee of security for the whole region.Syria must assume its responsibilities and make the necessary gestures toward the international community.After that，it will be up to us to give it a full role to play，notably in the framework of a renewed partnership with Europe.A comprehensive，lasting settlement must indeed include a settlement of the Israeli-Syrian aspect of the conflict in accordance with Security Council resolutions.
In Iraq，the situation has deteriorated too much tohope for an immediate settlement.But it would be even moredangerous not to establish a framework for ending the crisis.For my part，this framework should include two tracks：
First，we must be clear on a timetable for the withdrawal of foreign troops.I believe that it should take place within a year.That will allow Iraqis to feel that their futureis in their hands and put them back on the path of national sovereignty.To eliminate the spiral of failure，we must begin by reestablishing real political prospects.
The second track involves a triple mobilization to bring about these political prospects：a mobilization by the Iraqis themselves，which must involve a crucial national reconciliation，notably by offering a power-sharing agreement to all those who renounce violence and by completing the process of constitutional reform.States in the region，from Turkey to Iran，from Syria to the Gulf States，must be mobilized in support of this process to ensure Iraq"s territorial integrity.And finally，there must be an international mobilization，when the time comes，with an international conference.The United States should of course play a central role in this.But Europe too must assume its responsibilities.
Finally，the overall vision required for this region demands a full accounting of the Iranian challenge，which doesn"t involve proliferation only.
An Iran with a militar y nuclear capability is unacceptable.But this crisis is also rooted in Iran"s desire to assert its regional power，its national pride and its concern for security.That is why the solutioncan"t be a military one.To the contrary，it means recognizing Iran"s role in the region and establishing a stability processamong all the countries in the zone that permits dialogue and guarantees peace and economic development.
That is why the approach we"ve taken is political，combining dialogue and firmness.That is the point of UN resolution 1737，adopted unanimously in late December：thesanctions set forth in the resolution respond to the Iranian refusal to suspend its sensitive nuclear activities.If Iran makes a gesture to suspend enrichment，the Security Council can suspend the sanctions.The path of dialogue remains open and，for us，remains a priority.
In this new phase，it is essential for the international community to remain united：this is one of the achievements of the work undertaken four years ago by the Europeans.More than ever，it is the condition underlying the legitimacy of our action and thus its long-term efficacy.The United States has a major role to play to end the crisis.My conviction is that when the time comes，it will take place through the engagement of a real bilateral dialogue with Teheran.
Ladies and Gentlemen，In the profoundly new world that is taking shape，we need a resolutely new diplomacy.
Never has there been so much instability.Never have the threats been stronger.But never，perhaps，have solutions been so close.
Today"s diplomacy must be one of action and results.Diplomacy can no longer be founded just on "hard power"and force.But neither can it be founded only on "soft power，"the power to inf luence and convince.Diplomacy must now be basedon "building power."
