登陆注册
15732200000115

第115章

No one person could say of them: "I made that; this is my product."But where, in a given society, the fundamental form of production is that spontaneous division of labour, there the products take on the form of commodities whose mutual exchange, buying and selling, enable the individual producers to satisfy their manifold wants. And this was the case in the Middle Ages. The peasant, e.g., sold to the artisan agricultural products and bought from him the products of handicraft. Into this society of individual producers, of commodity producers, the new mode of production thrust itself. In the midst of the old division of labour, grown up spontaneously and upon no definite plan , which had governed the whole of society, now arose division of labour upon a definite plan , as organised in the factory; side by side with individual production appeared social production. The products of both were sold in the same market, and, therefore, at prices at least approximately equal. But organisation upon a definite plan was stronger than spontaneous division of labour.

The factories working with the combined social forces of a collectivity of individuals produced their commodities far more cheaply than the individual small producers. Individual production succumbed in one department after another. Socialised production revolutionised all the old methods of production.

But its revolutionary character was, at the same time, so little recognised that it was, on the contrary, introduced as a means of increasing and developing the production of commodities. When it arose, it found readymade, and made liberal use of, certain machinery for the production and exchange of commodities:

merchants' capital, handicraft, wage-labour. Socialised production thus introducing itself as a new form of the production of commodities, it was a matter of course that under it the old forms of appropriation remained in full swing, and were applied to its products as well.

In the mediaeval stage of evolution of the production of commodities, the question as to the owner of the product of labour could not arise.

The individual producer, as a rule, had, from raw material belonging to himself, and generally his own handiwork, produced it with his own tools, by the labour of his own hands or of his family. There was no need for him to appropriate the new product. It belonged wholly to him, as a matter of course. His property in the product was, therefore, based upon his own labour. Even where external help was used, this was, as a rule, of little importance, and very generally was compensated by something other than wages. The apprentices and journeymen of the guilds worked less for board and wages than for education, in order that they might become master craftsmen themselves. Then came the concentration of the means of production in large workshops and manufactories, their transformation into actual socialised means of production. But the socialised means of production and their products were still treated, after this change, just as they had been before, i.e., as the means of production and the products of individuals.

Hitherto, the owner of the instruments of labour had himself appropriated the product, because, as a rule, it was his own product and the assistance of others was the exception. Now the owner of the instruments of labour always appropriated to himself the product, although it was no longer his product but exclusively the product of the labour of others. Thus, the products now produced socially were not appropriated by those who had actually set in motion the means of production and actually produced the commodities, but by the capitalists. The means of production, and production itself had become in essence socialised. But they were subjected to a form of appropriation which presupposes the private production of individuals, under which, therefore, everyone owns his own product and brings it to market. The mode of production is subjected to this form of appropriation, although it abolishes the conditions upon which the latter rests. *8 This contradiction, which gives to the new mode of production its capitalistic character, contains the germ of the whole of the social antagonisms of today. The greater the mastery obtained by the new mode of production over all decisive fields of production and in all economically decisive countries, the more it reduced individual production to an insignificant residium, the more clearly was brought out the incompatibility of socialised production with capitalistic appropriation.

同类推荐
热门推荐
  • 保险欺诈与陷阱案例汇编

    保险欺诈与陷阱案例汇编

    书中的案例大部分发生在我国,也有一些国外的经典案例,比较全面地反映了保险欺诈与陷阱的概貌。本书全部以实际案例来展示保险欺诈的手段、方法,揭示欺诈陷阱,是广大保险从业人员必备的业务知识手册,也是广大投保人了解形形色色的骗保案件、避开投保陷阱的有益读物。由于保险欺诈和陷阱的花样翻新,编者根据不同险种的欺诈手段予以分类,以使读者明晰各类保险欺诈和陷阱的方法,便于识别和防范。
  • 马尔萨斯学说新论

    马尔萨斯学说新论

    本书包含两大部分,第一部分是对马尔萨斯《人口原理》的重新研究和评价;第二部分是对马尔萨斯经济学理论各个组成部分的研究和评论。
  • EXO同人:狼神我们不约

    EXO同人:狼神我们不约

    依旧是补以前的坑,依旧是非现实,不会写明星感觉太麻烦嗯,男主鹿晗是狼神对没错。。
  • 无限战纪2

    无限战纪2

    一梦醉千年,芳华落尘埃。吾乃巫神王,一拳定乾坤。五千年前,地球是各路神魔的天下。天庭大战天魔界,天地六道鬼哭狼嚎。众神陨落,巫神王神识破碎,坠入六道。21世纪的夏宇男,华国特种部队银狼特战队队长,当他发现自己是巫神王的一道神识时,他会作何?回归神的怀抱?被神同化?还是死?夏宇男:“不……我命由我不由天,虽为萤火之星,也欲与皓月争辉……
  • 异界通灵王

    异界通灵王

    在人类的认知中,‘灵魂’无疑是最神秘元素之一,一场对异世界的探索打开了主角的灵魂之旅······
  • 帝国的葬礼

    帝国的葬礼

    未来的人类每天都怎么生活,未来的战争还是和现在一样吗?这里有浩瀚如烟的新科技,新发明。来吧,少年,你的小宇宙爆发吧
  • 宫斗这件大事

    宫斗这件大事

    噩梦醒来,她成了上吊未遂的废妃。挨了打,被暗杀,穿越不到24小时,她差点又死一回。冷宫里哪有苟且偷安这一说?亲妹手段高明,宠妃诡诈阴险,偏遭遇个瞎了心的皇帝,通通装作看不见!她还能怎么办?目睹幼女惨死,严一凌不能再淡定了。她不是严碧,那个只会委曲求全的受气包!她抗争,反击,连环计,不信自己走不出这座冷宫。她说谎、做戏,哪怕献媚,不信傲娇皇帝能不动心。她就是想活出个样来,哪怕是穿越!可他怎么能一张霜脸冷到底?“喂,我说皇帝,你这样视若无睹真的好么?给点回应啊!”严一凌气得跳脚。“我就是喜欢你——这副气急败坏的样子。”某人很得意!
  • 妹妹是最终兵器

    妹妹是最终兵器

    一个会超能力的不可爱妹妹一个除了YY什么都不会的死宅看似平静的世界之下暗流似狂龙涌动,前路如深渊不可测,命运犹如斑斓的万花筒。觉醒的力量,神秘的组织,古老的传说,谁能踏上成王之路?【呃简单的说就是一个死宅和妹妹的成长奋斗史啦~】本书是慢热型,要有耐心哦新书求推荐!求收藏!O(∩_∩)O~
  • 蚀骨暖情

    蚀骨暖情

    星际大厦顶层,两个挺拔的年轻男人目目对视,细雨蒙蒙笼在两男人间。
  • 我的外星语家教

    我的外星语家教

    我的家教,是个有神奇能力的人,性别为……雄性。喔对不起,不小心把他给弄混了,他并不是动物种。可说真的,不知为何我总是觉得,他身后有双鸟翅?好吧当然,我会停止自己的想象,但也请你告诉我,现在正在暗搓搓,趁夜幕降临,以为我睡着的时候,伸出来摩挲我的这对鸡,呃,鸟翅,到底归谁所有?