Down in front a man had risen from his seat--the felicitous Mr.
Truesdale.Glancing around at his fellow-members he then began to explain in the impressive but conversational tone of one whose counsels are in the habit of being listened to,that this was merely a little measure to remedy a flaw in the statutes.Mr.Truesdale believed in corporations when corporations were good,and this bill was calculated to make them good,to put an end to jugglery and concealment.Our great state,he said,should be in the forefront of such wise legislation,which made for justice and a proper publicity;but the bill in question was of greater interest to lawyers than to laymen,a committee composed largely of lawyers had recommended it unanimously,and he was sure that no opposition would develop in the House.In order not to take up their time he asked:therefore,that it be immediately put on its second and third reading and allowed to pass.
He sat down,and I looked at Krebs.Could he,could any man,any lawyer,have the presumption to question such an obviously desirable measure,to arraign the united judgment of the committee's legal talent?Such was the note Mr.Truesdale so admirably struck.As though fascinated,Icontinued to gaze at Krebs.I hated him,I desired to see him humiliated,and yet amazingly I found myself wishing with almost equal vehemence that he would be true to himself.He was rising,--slowly,timidly,I thought,his hand clutching his desk lid,his voice sounding wholly inadequate as he addressed the Speaker.The Speaker hesitated,his tone palpably supercilious.
"The gentleman from--from Elkington,Mr.Krebs."There was a craning of necks,a staring,a tittering.I burned with vicarious shame as Krebs stood there awkwardly,his hand still holding the desk.There were cries of "louder"when he began;some picked up their newspapers,while others started conversations.The Speaker rapped with his gavel,and I failed to hear the opening words.Krebs paused,and began again.His speech did not,at first,flow easily.
"Mr.Speaker,I rise to protest against this bill,which in my opinion is not so innocent as the gentleman from St.Helen's would have the House believe.It is on a par,indeed,with other legislation that in past years has been engineered through this legislature under the guise of beneficent law.No,not on a par.It is the most arrogant,the most monstrous example of special legislation of them all.And while I do not expect to be able to delay its passage much longer than the time I shall be on my feet--""Then why not sit down?"came a voice,just audible.
As he turned swiftly toward the offender his profile had an eagle-like effect that startled me,seemingly realizing a new quality in the man.
It was as though he had needed just the stimulus of that interruption to electrify and transform him.His awkwardness disappeared;and if he was a little bombastic,a little "young,"he spoke with the fire of conviction.
"Because,"he cried,"because I should lose my self-respect for life if Isat here and permitted the political organization of a railroad,the members of which are here under the guise of servants of the people,to cow me into silence.And if it be treason to mention the name of that Railroad in connection with its political tyranny,then make the most of it."He let go of the desk,and tapped the copy of the bill."What are the facts?The Boyne Iron Works,under the presidency of Adolf Scherer,has been engaged in litigation with the Ribblevale Steel Company for some years:and this bill is intended to put into the hands of the attorneys for Mr.Scherer certain information that will enable him to get possession of the property.Gentlemen,that is what `legal practice'has descended to in the hands of respectable lawyers.This device originated with the resourceful Mr.Theodore Watling,and if it had not had the approval of Mr.Miller Gorse,it would never have got any farther than the judiciary committee.It was confided to the skillful care of Colonel Paul Varney to be steered through this legislature,as hundreds of other measures have been steered through,--without unnecessary noise.It may be asked why the Railroad should bother itself by lending its political organization to private corporations?I will tell you.Because corporations like the Boyne corporation are a part of a network of interests,these corporations aid the Railroad to maintain its monopoly,and in return receive rebates."Krebs had raised his voice as the murmurs became louder.At this point a sharp-faced lawyer from Belfast got to his feet and objected that the gentleman from Elkington was wasting the time of the House,indulging in hearsay.His remarks were not germane,etc.The Speaker rapped again,with a fine show of impartiality,and cautioned the member from Elkington.
"Very well,"replied Krebs."I have said what I wanted to say on that score,and I know it to be the truth.And if this House does not find it germane,the day is coming when its constituents will."Whereupon he entered into a discussion of the bill,dissecting it with more calmness,with an ability that must have commanded,even from some hostile minds,an unwilling respect.The penalty,he said,was outrageous,hitherto unheard of in law,--putting a corporation in the hands of a receiver,at the mercy of those who coveted it,because one of its officers refused,or was unable,to testify.He might be in China,in Timbuctoo when the summons was delivered at his last or usual place of abode.Here was an enormity,an exercise of tyrannical power exceeding all bounds,a travesty on popular government....He ended by pointing out the significance of the fact that the committee had given no hearings;by declaring that if the bill became a law,it would inevitably react upon the heads of those who were responsible for it.
He sat down,and there was a flutter of applause from the scattered audience in the gallery.
