The World's Work for December, 1902, said: "The next significant fact is the recommendation by the Illinois State Federation of Labor that all members of labor unions who are also members of the state militia shall resign from the militia.This proposition has been favorably regarded by some other labor organizations.It has done more than any other single recent declaration or action to cause a public distrust of such unions as favor it.IT HINTS OF A CLASSSEPARATION THAT IN TURN HINTS OF ANARCHY."The OUTLOOK, February 14, 1903, in reference to the rioting at Waterbury, remarks, "That all this disorder should have occurred in a city of the character and intelligence of Waterbury indicates that the industrial war spirit is by no means confined to the immigrant or ignorant working classes."That President Roosevelt has smelt the smoke from the firing line of the class struggle is evidenced by his words, "Above all we need to remember that any kind of CLASS ANIMOSITY IN THE POLITICAL WORLD is, if possible, even more destructive to national welfare than sectional, race, or religious animosity." The chief thing to be noted here is President Roosevelt's tacit recognition of class animosity in the industrial world, and his fear, which language cannot portray stronger, that this class animosity may spread to the political world.Yet this is the very policy which the socialists have announced in their declaration of war against present-day society--to capture the political machinery of society and by that machinery destroy present-day society.
The New York Independent for February 12, 1903, recognized without qualification the class struggle."It is impossible fairly to pass upon the methods of labor unions, or to devise plans for remedying their abuses, until it is recognized, to begin with, that unions are based upon class antagonism and that their policies are dictated by the necessities of social warfare.A strike is a rebellion against the owners of property.The rights of property are protected by government.And a strike, under certain provocation, may extend as far as did the general strike in Belgium a few years since, when practically the entire wage-earning population stopped work in order to force political concessions from the property-owning classes.
This is an extreme case, but it brings out vividly the real nature of labor organization as a species of warfare whose object is the coercion of one class by another class."It has been shown, theoretically and actually, that there is a class struggle in the United States.The quarrel over the division of the joint product is irreconcilable.The working class is no longer losing its strongest and most capable members.These men, denied room for their ambition in the capitalist ranks, remain to be the leaders of the workers, to spur them to discontent, to make them conscious of their class, to lead them to revolt.
This revolt, appearing spontaneously all over the industrial field in the form of demands for an increased share of the joint product, is being carefully and shrewdly shaped for a political assault upon society.The leaders, with the carelessness of fatalists, do not hesitate for an instant to publish their intentions to the world.
They intend to direct the labor revolt to the capture of the political machinery of society.With the political machinery once in their hands, which will also give them the control of the police, the army, the navy, and the courts, they will confiscate, with or without remuneration, all the possessions of the capitalist class which are used in the production and distribution of the necessaries and luxuries of life.By this, they mean to apply the law of eminent domain to the land, and to extend the law of eminent domain till it embraces the mines, the factories, the railroads, and the ocean carriers.In short, they intend to destroy present-day society, which they contend is run in the interest of another class, and from the materials to construct a new society, which will be run in their interest.
On the other hand, the capitalist class is beginning to grow conscious of itself and of the struggle which is being waged.It is already forming offensive and defensive leagues, while some of the most prominent figures in the nation are preparing to lead it in the attack upon socialism.
The question to be solved is not one of Malthusianism, "projected efficiency," nor ethics.It is a question of might.Whichever class is to win, will win by virtue of superior strength; for the workers are beginning to say, as they said to Mr.Cunniff, "Malthus be damned." In their own minds they find no sanction for continuing the individual struggle for the survival of the fittest.As Mr.
Gompers has said, they want more, and more, and more.The ethical import of Mr.Kidd's plan of the present generation putting up with less in order that race efficiency may be projected into a remote future, has no bearing upon their actions.They refuse to be the "glad perishers" so glowingly described by Nietzsche.
It remains to be seen how promptly the capitalist class will respond to the call to arms.Upon its promptness rests its existence, for if it sits idly by, soothfully proclaiming that what ought not to be cannot be, it will find the roof beams crashing about its head.The capitalist class is in the numerical minority, and bids fair to be outvoted if it does not put a stop to the vast propaganda being waged by its enemy.It is no longer a question of whether or not there is a class struggle.The question now is, what will be the outcome of the class struggle?
